Apology

“An apology is an expression of regret or remorse for actions, while apologizing is the act of expressing regret or remorse” (Wikipedia, retrieved January 2023).

In the book “On Apology” (2004), psychiatrist and author Aaron Lazare states that a successful apology is a profound interaction whose enactment is comprised of four distinct parts; 1) acknowledgement, 2) explanation, 3) behaviour such as remorse, shame, humility, and 4) reparation; which together enable the restoration and reconciliation of relationships: “Apologies have the power to heal humiliations and grudges, remove the desire for vengeance, and generate forgiveness on the part of the offended parties” (p. 1).

What are the implications of the various contexts in which apologies are expected, or given?

In a paper titled “The Power of Apology” (2009), Abeler, Andree, Basek, and Calaki observe through controlled field tests in an online mercantile setting that a written apology, without admission of guilt, can surprisingly yield a more favourable outcome for a firm than offering a small monetary compensation. The reasons underlying why such an apology works remain unclear; perhaps recipients are not aware they are interacting with an employee paid to send apology emails, or the apology “triggers a heuristic to forgive that is hard to overcome rationally” (p. 5). What impact do corporate responses from an artificial intelligence have in this context?

Does timing play a role in the effectiveness of an apology? Cynthia McPherson Frantz and Courtney Bennigson, in reviewing experimental data in their paper titled “Better Late Than Early: The Influences of Timing on Apology Effectiveness” (2005), suggest that an apology delivered late may be optimal and that a victim’s “readiness to receive an apology, might be a key determinant of its effectiveness”, whereas an “abbreviated” apology given immediately following a transgression “may be perceived as superficial and insincere” (p. 202). Humiliations and their residual anger can grow into grudges and assaults on honour which may extend from interpersonal interactions all the way to the international sphere of foreign affairs. Journalist Thomas L. Friedman, quoted in Lazare’s “On Apology” (2004), states “If I’ve learned one thing covering world affairs… the single most underappreciated force in international relations is humiliation” (p. 47). Lazare adds that reasons for such humiliation can encompass being subject to; unprovoked attacks, border violations, occupation, espionage, and unfair trade restrictions, where effective apologies may necessitate a significant passage of time :

“During wars or warlike conditions, ceasefires and some kind of truce may be necessary to give combatants an opportunity to arrive at rational decisions regarding settlements, blame, and (sometimes) apologies. The apology may even require waiting for the arrival of the next generation of leaders when those immediately responsible for the offense are no longer on the scene and cooler heads, or at least fresh faces untainted by offenses of the past, can prevail” (p. 177).

Lee Taft, in an essay titled “Apology Subverted: The Commodification of Apology” (2000), states that in the civil law setting, where the stakes are often high, the apology process is at risk from commodification, of becoming “potentially marketable, an item to offer in a bargained-for exchange”, which makes it “ripe for subversion”. He explores this quandary insofar as some apologies may be crafted to avoid the admission of wrongdoing, and thus dismiss the value of any underlying moral ritual in favour of becoming an “object of exchange” (p. 1145). To help mitigate this, Massachusetts offers a “safe harbor” statute wherein “statements, writings or benevolent gestures expressing sympathy or a general sense of benevolence relating to the pain, suffering, or death of a person involved… shall be inadmissable as evidence of an admission of liability in a civil action” (p. 1151).

Beside various mercantile, political, and personal contexts, have our modern mediated electronic environments further corrupted the notion of apology, and do they instead foster an unapologetic nature? What of the related notion of forgiveness?

Lazare proposes that successful apologies heal because they can satisfy several psychological needs of the offended, including; a restoration of self-respect, assurances of safety and shared values, a reparation of harm, and “seeing the offender suffer” (2004, p. 44). Taft (2000) describes the apology process using the term “sacred” as it invites consideration of both religious and secular connotations that turn internal experiences of sorrow or regret into “public communion” (p. 1139). He suggests further that a “quest for healing must often extend beyond the law into disciplines more practiced in healing hearts and souls” (p. 1160).


Abeler, J., Andree, K., Basek, C., & Calaki, J. (June 2009), The Power of Apology, in Centre for Decision Research & Experimental Economics, Discussion Paper Series ISSN 1749 – 3293 (pp. 1 – 8). Nottingham, United Kingdom: University of Nottingham.

Bennigson, C., & Frantz, C. M. (March 2005), Better Late than Early: The Influence of Timing on Apology Effectiveness, in the Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, Issue 41 (2), (pp. 201 – 207).

Lazare, A. (2004) On Apology. New York, United States: Oxford University Press.

Taft, L. (January 2000), Apology Subverted: The Commodification of Apology, in The Yale Law Journal, Volume 109: 1135, (pp. 1135 – 1160). New Haven, United States: The Yale Law Journal Co.

Civility

In a paper titled “Civicness and Civility: Their Meanings for Social Sciences” (September 2009), author Adalbert Evers defines civicness as the quality of institutions, organizations, and procedures that enable the cultivation of civility, where society is made up not only of debating citizens, but “third sector organizations” with social and economic purposes. He observes tensions arise between the respecting of individualism, diversity and non-engagement, with “active compliance with rules and norms which are confirmed by public authorities” (p. 242, 243).

In his comprehensive analysis, “Civility: A Cultural History” (2008), author Benet Davetian probes civility’s complex roots, and states we need to “guard against sociology’s tendency to avoid topics that it considers the proper domain of psychology or anthropology” and that civility is instead best understood through a deliberate study of human social psychology (2008, p. 344). An exclusively social-constructivist view, that denies the potential effects of stored bodily emotions which can make people prone to one narrative or moral position over another, produces “a further split between organic and social explanations of society”. Humiliation, anger, and a childhood ‘failure to grieve’ should therefore be viewed as intimately linked in both personal and political acts.

Sociologist Norbert Elias suggests society’s pleasure component is being suppressed in favour of the arousal of anxiety, that itself causes the suppression of emotions but which can then spring forth as displeasure, revulsion, and distaste, as customary feelings. Individuals locate within dynamic networks of “mutual relationism” that are continually shifting and being renegotiated, subject to patterns they are part of but do not control:

People stand before the outcome of their own actions like an apprentice magician before the spirits he has conjured up and which, once at large, are no longer is his power. They look with astonishment at the convolutions and formations of the historical flow which they themselves contribute but do not control” (2008, p. 347).

Davetian states that inter-civilizational conflict can arise when communal and individualistic societies meet. Seeking to find causes for their differences, people from different cultures may resort to demonizing the other’s customs and social values, and when détente is not achieved through conventional values-oriented avenues, common ground can often be found in their technical cultures, however such narratives rarely lead to authentic intercultural understanding. Displays of courtesy and discourtesy are often affected not only by the emotions of guilt, embarrassment, shame, and pride, “but also by the extent to which a culture allows forthright demonstrations of emotions” (2008, p. 369). In a system built from aristocracy or a national heritage, a certain role is played by a “cultural narcissism that tempers the need for private and isolated presentations of the self”, but rather confirms one’s membership in an accomplished culture. (2008, p. 376, 421).

Traditions of incivility may be bound up with peculiar forms of egalitarianism, according to lawyer James Whitman in his paper titled “Enforcing Civility and Respect: Three Societies” (2000). He observes that free speech on continental Europe is tuned to notions of honour and respect that have deep aristocratic roots, whereas incivility is “woven into the cloth of the America egalitarian tradition”, in which speech is not merely about the expression of opinion, but also about “the free and aggressive display of disrespect”. Studying different cultures in this context can provide a richer sense of what is at stake, including the prevalence of, or the potential for violence (2000, p. 1396, 1397).


Davetian, B. (2008) Civility: A Cultural History. Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press.

Evers, A. (September 2009), Civicness and Civility: Their Meanings for Social Services, in Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations, Issue 20, (pp. 239 – 259). Baltimore, United States: International Society for Third Sector Research and The John’s Hopkins University.

Whitman, J. Q. (2000), Enforcing Civility and Respect: Three Societies, in The Yale Law Journal, Volume 109, (pp. 1279 – 1398). [PDF document] retrieved June 2022 from https://openyls.law.yale.edu/handle/20.500.13051/5035. New Haven, United States: The Yale Law Journal Company, Inc.